Graffiti as a Catalyst for Urban Creativity: Exploring Agency, Participation, and the Right to the City in Nairobi

This article examines graffiti as a catalyst for urban creativity in Nairobi, focusing on how young people use it to assert agency and reshape public spaces. Drawing on the concepts of the ‘right to the city’ and DIY urbanism, the study analyses two key graffiti projects to explore graffiti’s role in reclaiming public spaces from capitalist and political control. Based on research conducted from 2015 to 2018 across Nairobi’s neighborhoods, the findings highlight graffiti’s potential for civic engagement and placemaking despite challenges like gender inequality and th transient nature of urban art. The study argues that graffiti offers low-cost, impactful ways to foster cultural exchange, civic participation, and creativity in Nairobi’s rapidly evolving urban landscape.

Introduction

Kenya’s capital city, Nairobi, stands as a vibrant hub where creative possibilities flourish, becoming instrumental in redefining and influencing the urban living experience. This article delves into the exploration of these creative potentials, focusing on local graffiti projects and the diverse participatory and appropriative actions undertaken by artists and urban inhabitants in their endeavour to (re)shape the urban landscape. Specifically, the article critically examines the extent to which young people utilise graffiti as a means of engaging in creative forms of direct action, thereby infusing neighbourhoods with novel functions and meanings while empowering citizens with increased agency.

This study is situated within the conceptual framework of ‘the right to the city,’ coupled with considerations of do-it-yourself (DIY) urban practices. By doing so, the research offers intriguing perspectives to comprehend the intricate connections between graffiti, agency, and public space in Nairobi. By investigating the transformative potential of graffiti as a dynamic tool for young people to assert agency, amplify public spaces, and protest against established norms and socio-political standards, the study contributes to a nuanced understanding of how artistic interventions shape and reshape the socio-spatial fabric of Nairobi.

This study draws on primary research conducted intermittently in Nairobi from 2015 to 2018, which employed a comprehensive mixed methods approach. Observations spanned graffiti projects in the neighbourhoods of Korogocho, Eastleigh, California, and Pumwani, with post-project follow-up visits over an 18-month period. Visual documentation catalogued graffiti and street art, while in-depth interviews engaged eight graffiti artists. Three focus group discussions with 32 local residents took place, alongside numerous rapid street interviews with community members. Additionally, a survey gathered opinions and attitudes from 150 members of the public, exploring their perceptions of artworks and any ensuing changes to their urban environment.

This article comprises six sections, followed by a conclusion. To begin, a review of the existing literature on graffiti in Africa highlights its dynamic and diverse character. Subsequently, the concepts of The Right to The City and DIY urban practices are critically examined. The article proceeds to contextualise the significance of the ‘streets’ for communities and introduces the two focal graffiti projects, Talking Walls and SAMOSA Festival. A detailed exploration of the themes and public perceptions surrounding graffiti in Nairobi ensues, elucidating how graffiti murals and pieces engender a sense of collective ownership and pride while also prompting enquiries regarding representation and inclusivity in public art. The following section critically evaluates the potential for graffiti to function as a catalyst for civic engagement, presenting innovative methods for participation and appropriation in urban space. Finally, preceding the conclusion, the article investigates the impact of graffiti on urban spaces in Nairobi, highlighting its capacity to disrupt everyday routines, foster novel forms of social interaction, and underscore the transient nature of urban art in a city influenced by capitalist and political interests.

An Overview of Literature on Graffiti in the African Context

The landscape of graffiti in Africa is a vibrant and multifaceted tapestry, shaped by the intricate interplay of local traditions, global influences, and socio-political contexts. Scholarly attention to the artistic, social and political ramifications of graffiti and street art across the continent is ever growing. As such, it is useful to briefly reflect upon this in order to situate this research within the broader discourse on graffiti in Africa, and more precisely in Kenya.

Waddacor’s (2020) work contributes to the expanding body of research on graffiti and street art in Africa, highlighting its escalating popularity, particularly in the 21st century. Graffiti artists across the continent have positioned themselves at the forefront of political activism, utilising their craft as a medium for dissent during significant events like the Arab Uprisings in North Africa (Blaagaard & Mollerup, 2020; Klaus, 2014; Lennon, 2014; Miladi, 2015; Rizk, 2015) and the 2018–19 revolution in Khartoum, Sudan (Mohammad, 2020).

In South Africa, graffiti has emerged as a powerful tool for political resistance, echoing sentiments against apartheid regimes and their historical legacies (Smith, 2017). The #FeesMustFall and #RhodesMustFall movements have also seen graffiti serve as a socio-political intervention (Gurney, 2018). Further exploration reveals the potential of graffiti and community murals to foster civic education in Ghana, Nigeria, and South Africa (de-Graft Aikins, 2020; Marschall, 2002; Obiozor, 2008; Okonet al., 2023).

Studies from South Africa delve into graffiti as a unique means of “mapping” the city (Penfold, 2017), empowering young people to voice their identity (Spocter, 2004), and contributing to cultural-led development (Sitas, 2020). In East Africa, research on specific graffiti artists sheds light on individual contributions (Rukwaro & Maina, 2020), while in Senegal, graffiti is intricately linked to the Set Setal youth movement, emphasising its role in cleansing and beautifying urban spaces (Rabine, 2014; Roberts & Roberts, 2007). Overall, graffiti in Africa serves as a dynamic avenue for artists to assert agency, challenge societal norms, and engage in broader dialogues on urban aesthetics and social change, with the landscape continually evolving to reflect both local narratives and global street art trends.

The evolution of graffiti within Nairobi has been marked by a series of transformative shifts since its inception in the 21st century. Initially resonating with traditional practices like sign-writing and wall art, graffiti’s roots can also be traced back to the emergence of privately-owned minibuses in the late 20^th century, which birthed the vibrant subculture of matatu art (Wango, 2020). Providing a pivotal platform for the advancement of graffiti in Kenya, ‘Words and Pictures’ (WaPI), initiated in 2006 with support from the British Council, served as a monthly celebration of hip-hop culture, fostering a conducive environment for graffiti artists and crews (including Uhuru, Felok Ican, Tak 1, Smokillah, Swift, SIAFU, Spray Uzi) to showcase their talents (Mbasu, 2014).

The burgeoning cultural landscape of Nairobi saw the emergence of critical spaces such as Buruburu Institute of Fine Arts, The GoDown Arts Centre, PAWA 254, and The Railway Museum/Dust Depo, which played instrumental roles in nurturing the growth of graffiti artists. These venues not only facilitated the development of technical skills of individual artists (such as Esen, Bankslave, Kerosh, Bantu, Chela, Blaine29, and Viktart Mwangi), but also served as incubators for the formation of artistic crews. Noteworthy among recent initiatives is Graffiti Girls Kenya, spearheaded by the artist Smokillah in 2015, which aims to empower women and girls by harnessing graffiti as a means of creative expression and social advocacy.

In times of social and political upheaval, graffiti artists have emerged as pioneers of creative responses. Following the violence that ensued after Kenya’s contentious 2007 election, collectives like Maasai Mbili utilised murals as a tool for peace-building in fragmented communities, while individual artists like Solo 7 echoed calls for coexistence and resistance to violence through his widespread tagging of ‘Peace Wanted Alive’ (Halliday, 2020). The lead-up to the 2013 elections witnessed artists contributing to nationwide peace narratives through initiatives like ‘Kibera Walls for Peace’, fostering collaboration between international and local artists (Bankslave, Swift 9 and Uhuru B) to promote social cohesion (Halliday, 2019b).

Graffiti’s intersection with activism has been a defining feature of its trajectory, amplifying voices and articulating democratic ideals within Kenya’s public sphere. In many instances, these approaches have been unlawful. Examples include the 2012 MaVulture Campaign which saw murals illegally painted with the aim of addressing systemic issues of poor governance, corruption, and social injustice (Ombati, 2015); the painting of live donkeys with anti-corruption messages which were then released in Nairobi city centre between 2014 and 2015; and the pasting of hundreds of faux election campaign posters in 2017 by the anonymous movement #noimpostershere challenging the political status quo (Halliday, 2018). Moreover, the utilisation of graffiti by high school students to tackle taboo subjects underscores its potential as a catalyst for social change and awareness-raising (Kariukiet al., 2016).

Research has highlighted the transformative potential of community murals, particularly in addressing pressing issues such as HIV/AIDS and the Covid-19 pandemic (McEwanet al., 2022). Collaborative efforts by NGOs and institutions like Trust for Indigenous Culture and Health, UN-HABITAT, and The Go-Down Arts Centre have leveraged graffiti as a tool for placemaking, aiming to transform urban spaces into vibrant and inclusive environments (Mboya & Oluoch-Olunya, 2017).

However, the intersection of corporations and commercial ventures with graffiti presents a complex dynamic, blurring the lines between art and commerce. At times, corporations’ social responsibility funds have been used to fund projects which showcase the talent of graffiti artists in Kenya, such as Basco paint’s project ‘Duracoat Spray for Change’ (Awaaz, 2015). While some businesses have commissioned street artists for murals and advertisements sparking debates about authenticity and the co-optation of subversive art for profit. That said, these commercial collaborations have provided opportunities for artists to earn a living from their work, subsequently affording them the options to volunteer for community-driven initiatives.

Building on the dynamic and multifaceted character of graffiti in the African and Kenyan context, as illuminated by the existing body of literature, it becomes essential to situate these artistic practices within broader theoretical frameworks. In particular, understanding graffiti’s role in urban spaces calls for a deeper exploration of the concept of the ‘Right to the City,’ and the ethos of DIY urban practices. Together, these concepts offer a lens through which we can critically examine how graffiti in Nairobi reflects and contributes to grassroots urban interventions.

Empowerment in Urban Spaces: Unpacking the ‘Right to the City’ and DIY Dynamics

The concept of the ‘right to the city’ has been integral to social movements striving for the reclamation of public spaces to construct more just, socially inclusive, and democratic urban environments (Mitchell, 2003). Henri Lefebvre was a pioneer in championing this idea, advocating for citizen empowerment through their active participation in the utilisation and creation of urban space. Lefebvre emphasised the city’s ‘use value’ over its commodified exchange value, promoting a more expansive understanding of the city that encompasses creative activity, information, symbolism, the imaginary, and play (Lefebvre, 1996, p. 147).

Urban planner Marcuse (2009) echoes a similar sentiment, asserting that cities should prioritise people over profit. Harvey (2008), a prominent theorist in urban studies, critiques how capital shapes the city and defines the ‘right to the city’ as more than an individual liberty to access urban resources. It is a collective right entailing the freedom to transform ourselves by transforming the city, a neglected yet precious human right (Harvey, 2008, p. 23).

For citizens, the ‘right to the city’ signifies reclaiming a city they may have felt estranged from. Lefebvre conceptualised this reclaiming through active citizenship, involving two key rights—participation and appropriation (Kofman & Lebas, 1996, p. 174). Participation grants city inhabitants the right to access and influence decisions shaping urban space, while appropriation entails the right to access, occupy, and use existing or create new spaces that fulfill people’s needs (Stickells, 2011, p. 53).

DIY urban practices serve as practical illustrations of fostering the ‘right to the city’ (Donovan, 2014, p. 386). These approaches, though diverse, often involve low-cost, small-scale citizen-led interventions experimenting with alternative uses of public space (Douglas, 2014, p. 6; Iveson, 2013, p. 942). Aligned with Lefebvre’s notion of ‘experimental utopias’ (Lefebvre, 1996, p. 151), DIY initiatives reimagine the urban utopia as a better place to live and play (Taylor, 2011, pp. 47–49). Those engaged in DIY practices act in the present, challenging accepted norms, participating in temporary direct actions, and enhancing urban space by injecting it with new functions and meanings (Donovan, 2014, p. 395; Douglas, 2014, p. 13; Hou, 2010, p. 2; Mattern, 2016, p. 91; Zeiger, 2011).

Those who have made influential contributions to scholarly debates on the Right to the City and DIY urban practices have also argued that they are not without their limitations and may inadvertently reinforce existing power structures and inequalities by being co-opted by neoliberal policies, thus potentially accelerating gentrification, displacement, and the privatisation of public spaces. Consequently, these practices often benefit privileged groups at the expense of marginalised communities and frequently lack accountability, regulation, and long-term sustainability. These critiques underscore the necessity for a critical and nuanced approach to urban activism that prioritises inclusivity, equity, and the effective redress of structural injustices in urban settings.

Having established the theoretical grounding through the ‘Right to the City’ and DIY urban practices, we now turn to specific case studies that provide a tangible context through which to further explore graffiti and these concepts in action.

Setting the Scene: Introducing Nairobi’s Youth-Led Community Graffiti Ventures

In Nairobi, close to half of all daily trips are made by walking and there is a scarcity of open spaces, rendering streets as a crucial public realm and lifelines for communities (Basil & Nyachieo, 2023). This centrality positions them as more than mere thoroughfares. Nairobi’s streets emerge as integral components shaping the urban fabric, functioning as dynamic, multifaceted public spaces that encapsulate the social, economic, cultural, and political dimensions of urban life. Noteworthy is their role as vital arenas for informal commerce, canvases for cultural expressions, and pivotal spaces for political movements and activism (Halliday, 2019a, 2024). That said, the streets of Nairobi, are also contested spaces often serving as sites of conflict and tension, where struggles over social justice and the distribution of resources take place, fears of safety (particularly amongst those marginalised in society) increase people vulnerabilities, and environmental issues such as pollution, noise, and overcrowding are common (Fonteinet al., 2024). Furthermore, city spaces pose distinct challenges, which are compounded by societal perceptions of youth residing within them. Often depicted as instigators of social disorder, young residents frequently encounter exclusion from community initiatives and urban planning endeavours (Muiya, 2014). Consequently, this marginalisation engenders a sense of detachment among residents, particularly the youth, fostering a decline in the perceived significance and value of these spaces. This rings true across much of the continent where African youth (aged 18–35)-despite representing a significant size of the continent’s total population-generally report lower rates of political and civic engagement than their elders and without such opportunities become increasingly disempowered (Lekalake & Gyimah-Boadi, 2016). Amid ongoing urbanisation, the complexities and challenges associated with the street as public spaces in Nairobi play a profound role in shaping the city’s identity, where the diverse fabric of urban living unfolds. The settings for this research are the vibrant streets of Nairobi’s Eastlands area, and two initiatives led by graffiti artists which were part of the 2015 Talking Walls project and the 2016 SAMOSA Festival.

The Talking Walls project unfolded over two weeks in August 2015, enlivening the bustling informal settlement of Korogocho. A collaboration involving twenty artists, the project aimed to visually rejuvenate the landscape along two streets-Community Lane and Mama Ng’endo Road. These streets encapsulate the essence of Korogocho with their makeshift habitats and small businesses but also contain the local police station, chieftaincy, and community hall. In total, almost 1 km of walls was painted. Organised by the grassroots organisation Hope Raisers, Talking Walls aspired to foster vibrant, safe, and democratic streets for residents (Korogocho Streetscapes, 2016). Daniel Onyango, the Director of Hope Raisers, underscored the democratic essence of the project, framing it as an opportunity for beautification and the democratic right to creative expression.¹ 1 See the video news report Murals in Korogocho by African Slum Journal. Available at  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UO_zgil11D4&list=PLB4wKcsN7G0Sy0NNFPtZ9_E424t5EPgBs&index=6 (accessed 30/0/2024).

In July 2016, the SAMOSA Festival occurred in the neighbourhoods of California, Eastleigh, and Pumwani. The festival emphasised residents’ reclaiming of public space and enlisted fifteen graffiti artists to support with this through the creation of public artworks. In California, where the Berlin Self Help Group managed the only open space (Desa Ground), artists adorned ten surrounding buildings with eleven expansive murals. Eastleigh saw collaboration with St Teresa Boys Primary School, as artists visually revitalised 100 meters of the school’s perimeter wall with stylised writings and murals. Meanwhile, in Pumwani, a 140-meter stretch of the Meru Road wall became a canvas for vibrant artworks, reflecting the cooperative spirit between graffiti artists, property owners, Ministry of Housing and Works, and the Pumwani Youth Group.

Despite differing in temporal and spatial contexts, both graffiti projects shared commonalities in their approach. Involving a mix of established and emerging young artists working voluntarily (many of which participated across both projects), these endeavours were low cost and strived to ensure the transformative process promoted local ownership, embodying the ethos of inclusive and community-centric urban interventions.

With Talking Walls and the SAMOSA Festival now introduced as key case studies, it is essential to delve into the specific graffiti works produced within these projects. By analysing the murals and street art created, we can gain deeper insights into the thematic concerns they reflect and how these resonate with the local community. Furthermore, understanding public perceptions of these artworks allows us to explore how graffiti not only fosters a sense of collective ownership and pride but also sparks critical discussions on representation, inclusivity, and the role of public art in Nairobi’s urban landscape.

Themes and Public Perceptions of Nairobi’s Graffiti

Graffiti and street art encompass a diverse array of practices and styles, ranging from tags and throw-ups to stencils, stickers, pieces, and murals. The scope of this article does not delve into the disciplinary and historical dimensions of these art forms, as these have been extensively explored elsewhere (Waclawek, 2011). However, within the context of this study, the term “graffiti” is employed to align with the lexicon of local artists who are primarily engaged in creating artworks in the form of pieces and murals.

The graffiti pieces showcased in the Talking Walls and SAMOSA Festival highlighted the breadth of Nairobi’s street art scene. These included large-scale murals adorning multi-story buildings, abstract creations that visually transformed informal settlements, and stylised writings conveying positive messages. Consistent with prevailing practices among graffiti artists in Kenya, the artworks were executed using a combination of household paints applied with brushes and industrial spray paint applied freehand.

A notable aspect of the showcased graffiti pieces was their thematic coherence, stemming from the artists’ deliberate rejection of self-centred individualism. As articulated by graffiti artist Kerosh, ‘It is a community project; you can’t just come and tag your name. You have to consider something that the community will understand, appreciate, and something that they will be proud of, something that they want to own and defend.’ This ethos underscores the collaborative and community-oriented nature of Nairobi’s street art scene, wherein artists strive to foster a sense of collective ownership and pride among residents through their creative interventions. The remainder of this section provides an analysis of the themes and public perception of graffiti created as part of the Talking Walls and SAMOSA Festival projects.

Through the act of painting every structure along two prominent streets in the informal settlement of Korogocho, artists transformed the area into a vibrant spectacle of colour. The harsh conditions in this slum are compounded by government neglect, high levels of poverty and an extreme density of inhabitants, which create challenging circumstances for residents. However, rather than reflecting marginal conditions, the graffiti altered daily reality for residents, disrupting the informal settlement’s usual appearance. That said, can this approach be criticised for whitewashing (quite literally) the appallingly poor living conditions of many residents? Expressing their viewpoints amid the newly altered urban scenery, inhabitants stated the graffiti enhanced the beauty of their neighbourhood and subverted stereotypes associated with ‘slums’. Residents stressed that graffiti, especially on residential structures, visibly asserted their presence in the city. In Korogocho, where living conditions are precarious and legal security of tenure is lacking, affirming one’s habitation carries significant meaning. Likewise, concerning the creation of graffiti murals in California, Eastleigh, and Pumwani, 95% of respondents confirmed that this beautified the area and played a role in creating vibrancy and character to their neighbourhood, affirming the visual appeal of graffiti in improving the urban environment and overall experience (Fig. 1). Yet, graffiti’s use not only aimed to improve aesthetics but also as a catalyst for fostering community dialogue through the use of short phrases and text.

Fig. 1. Distribution of the respondents who agreed/disagreed with the statements.

Several graffiti pieces integrated proverbs which sought to have an instructive quality by imparting wisdom, moral principles, and conveying people’s self-perception, social values, and attitudes. The ambiguity of messages, allowed them to be applied to numerous contexts and scenarios, providing flexibility in their application to various situations. This flexibility became evident when asking passersby for their interpretations with explanations demonstrating how they referenced it in their interactions with others, conveying complex messages in a simple, memorable, and culturally resonant manner.

The act of using text to give a demand or reprimand was also included in numerous other pieces. For example, located on a busy road in Korogocho, where public space is scarce, a mural incorporated the text ‘children too have the right of way’, underscoring the public’s claim to the street for various activities such as play, socialising, and more. Consequently, this mural functioned as a rebuke, urging thoughtless boda boda riders (motorbike taxi service) to coexist with other users of the streets.

Furthermore, stylistic inscriptions included directives that highlighted the importance of education and advocated for peace, unity, and love (Figs. 2 and 3)—expressions synonymous with public art initiatives following Kenya’s 2007/8 post-election violence and in the run up to Kenya’s 2013 election. The uses of proverbs and short phrases by graffiti artists fit into a context of informal arts-based education (Mieder, 2004, p. 146) and the positioning of these works in strategic sites (including a community centre and school) enabled a sizeable and impressionable audience to be reached. That said, might the omnipresence of such messages in artworks come across as sermonising, or perhaps patronising?

Fig. 2. Piece created by the artist Mr. Detail Seven, Pumwani, Nairobi. © Craig Halliday.

Fig. 3. Mural created by the artists Blaine29 on the perimeter wall of St Teresa Boys Primary School, Eastleigh. © Craig Halliday.

In a survey conducted with 150 members of the public in the neighbourhoods of California, Eastleigh, and Pumwani the majority (91%) of respondents agreed graffiti depicted positive messages (Fig. 1). Interviews conducted with residents interpreted the murals as educational tools meant to influence behaviour and inspire individuals to vocalise their opposition to injustices. On several occasions, it was stated how the recurrent visibility of the murals’ messages became conducive to changing attitudes because, as one resident noted, ‘it is good for moral messages to be told over and over again.’²2Field notes, Korogocho, (29/07/2016). Such interpretations chime with research suggesting constant exposure to proverbs and short messages are powerful rhetorical devices, adding depth and persuasiveness to communication, whilst providing guidance on virtuous behaviour and decision-making (Kuzwayo, 1998).

The public’s consensus that graffiti murals depicted positive messages was also in relation to murals depicting local and national icons. In California, artist Swift 9 painted a large portrait of Victor Wanyama, Kenya’s former national football team captain and Tottenham Hotspur player (Fig. 4). Wanyama, was raised near California and is widely respected. One resident stated, ‘Wanyama’s success makes us feel anything is possible, and the mural reminds us of this.’³ 3 Field notes, California, (27/07/2016). California is also famed for its roots in the Kenyan hip-hop genre Genge and is where renowned rapper E-Sir (who tragically passed away in 2003) grew up. Graffiti artist Vandal (Kevin Githinji) immortalised E-Sir’s image in a significant mural, celebrating the heritage of this music (Fig. 9). In Pumwani, Swift 9 also commemorated ordinary lives celebrating the Mkokoteni laborer—a manual worker who pulls handcarts laden with goods. The mural symbolises the striving and entrepreneurial spirit of Kenyans. In Pumwani, the graffiti artist Bantu honoured the goalkeeper Selanko who plays for the Pumwani national league football team. Bantu explains, ‘When kids see him on the wall, they know who he is; they aspire to be like him.’⁴ 4 Field notes, California, (27/07/2016). Addressing the prevalence of sex workers in Pumwani, Bantu created a piece (Fig. 5) which he described as, ‘faces of beautiful girls. The idea was to challenge ladies to aspire them to do more…to show them that they can be anything.’⁵ 5 Interview with Bantu, at the Railway Museum, Nairobi (03/08/2016).

Fig. 4. Portrait of Kenyan footballer Victor Wanyama, painted by Swift 9, on the side of a housing estate which faces onto the Berlin Desert Ground, California. © Craig Halliday.

Fig. 5. Piece painted by Bantu, on a wall facing onto a busy pavement and road, Pumwani, Nairobi. © Craig Halliday.

Focus group discussions with residents provided insights into perceptions of public artworks. In California, people admired the celebration of homegrown icons and the neighbourhood’s rich heritage, underscoring California’s positive identity. In Pumwani, artworks highlighted the valuable contribution of ordinary people to society, but a noticeable gender imbalance was observed. Artworks celebrated men for who they are and what they have achieved–seen through the portraits of Victor Wanyama, E-Sir, the hard-working everyday Mkokoteni labourer, and goalkeeper Selanko. In contrast, women were predominantly portrayed as needing assistance, as passive and ‘beautiful’, and who they could be. Mark Matten’s study on street art suggests that repeated urban imagery becomes ingrained in our collective psyche (Mattern, 2016, p. 98). If this is the case, the absence of female role models represented in public art fails to visually affirm their right to the city.

In Nairobi, graffiti artists actively reshaped the city in a tangible manner. They crafted public artworks that were both free and easily accessible, contributing to a significant aesthetic makeover of the urban landscape. Through their expressions of beauty, emotion, and aesthetic ideals, as well as ideologically inspired creations, these artists played a crucial role in transforming the city’s visual environment. However, the city is also produced and reproduced through other acts of participation and appropriation, to which attention now turns.

Fostering Participation and Appropriation through Graffiti Initiatives

At a 2015 public forum held in Nairobi at the social justice organisation PAWA 254, panellists debated the possibilities for creative projects to promote equity in neighbourhoods and improve urban life. The artist Kerosh spoke passionately about the process of participation in Talking Walls by both the public and artists, stating: ‘We involve and consult the community and they provide their input for the artworks. There is much interaction, especially with the youth who are usually neglected in planning and making the community their own. When youth are given an avenue to be involved in creating the change they want it gives them a sense of responsibility and a sense of adding value to their community. It has become their way of saying that they also belong in this space, because generally they are left out of these decisions and activities.’⁶ 6 Kerosh was speaking at a forum held at PAWA 254 in August 2015 which was organised by Architects without Borders and Hope Raisers Youth Initiative.

Kerosh’s words evoke a sense of giving agency to urban dwellers and artists through their participation and through the public’s appropriation of artworks and public space. However, this raises questions as to how participation is granted and to whom, what participation involves, what the conflicts or contestations are that emerge in neighbourhood graffiti projects and how these affect others’ experience and consumption of public space.

The practice of graffiti has at times been criticised due to its association with the narcissistic actions of urban youth and the creation of unauthorised works which vandalise property, leading to graffiti’s association with crime. The graffiti projects scrutinised in this article do not exhibit this. Artists obtained property owners’ permission to adorn their structures, thereby challenging conventional private property norms and affirming the residents’ right to appropriate visual public space. Furthermore, fostering urban residents’ involvement entailed inviting community members to assist in priming surfaces for artists to paint, as well as shaping the topics, issues, and imagery painted by graffiti artists. In conversation with the artists Bantu, Kerosh and Swift 9, they emphasised how forcing their own ideas on the community doesn’t work and instead operate in a way that is guided by and aligns with the community’s preferences.⁷ 7 Interview with Bantu, at the Railway Museum, Nairobi (03/08/2016). Interview with Swift 9, at the Railway Museum, Nairobi (08/08/2016). Interview with Kerosh, at California (27-07-2016). These approaches to public participation relate to what academic Anna Waclawek describes as a new genre of public art in the 21^st century which focusses on social accountability rather than strictly aesthetics or design per se (Waclawek, 2011, p. 79). However, in this pursuit of social accountability the channels used by artists during the Talking Walls project and SAMOSA Festival entailed fairly ad-hoc processes, which tended to favour participation from those who were in the right place in the right time. For example, in California, Kerosh presented a number of drawings to local children and he painted the one most liked (Fig. 6). In the same neighbourhood, the artist Vandal’s mural of Genge star E-Sir morphed into something far bigger than initially imagined following the request of residents to include other local Genge artists (Nonini and Jua Cali)-these proposals were included and the community rallied around to support with lights and a generator so the artists could continue working into the night to complete the mural. The artwork manifested as a truly collective celebration of the estate’s heritage.

Fig. 6. A mural painted by artist Kerosh, in California estate, Nairobi. © Craig Halliday.

However, things didn’t always turn out as hoped. During Talking Walls one artwork antagonised some residents’ Christian beliefs and as a result had to be redone. Whilst this case was inconsistent with most artworks created it correlates to observations made by Sabine Marschall in her study on mural art in South Africa. Marschall identifies public art projects falling short of their intended inclusive approach when artists create work without consulting with those who will ‘consume’ it, resulting in art that is created in public but not necessarily for, or endorsed by, the public (Marschall, 2008, p. 21). While numerous artworks examined in this paper were shaped through consultations with community members, employing more structured participatory methods could have allowed broader representation of ordinary people, enabling them to actively and significantly contribute to shaping the visual transformation of their neighbourhood.

Another significant element of participation to consider, is that of the graffiti artists themselves. This group of predominantly young men, hailing from various parts of Nairobi, sought visibility through their art in a city where they frequently sense disenfranchisement. Attention now turns to artists’ experience in these projects and how their participation was perceived by local residents.

The public often viewed graffiti artists as role models, as a result of them inspiring residents with their commitment to enhancing urban life and instilling hope that the display of youth civic engagement would motivate others to become engaged citizens.⁸ 8 Field notes, Pumwani, (30/07/2016). This experience was transformative for the artists too. Working collectively as a diverse group, and in neighbourhoods where the majority of artists did not reside, caused them to confront prejudices and stereotypes about Nairobi’s people and places. During this process, Kerosh says, ‘you forget all your perceptions and inclinations you may have had. You break down barriers. We work with each other, engage with each other, paint together, eat together, we create bridges between different groups of people.’⁹ 9 Interview with Kerosh Kiruri, Dust Depot Nairobi (08/08/2016). The experience of working in different neighbourhoods and collaborating with residents provided a means for artists to become part of the wider society through a collective acknowledging of common interests and the shared appropriation of public space. According to Kerosh, ‘that by itself is priceless and by the time we were leaving the project sites I know perceptions had been changed…everything was at the level of just being human.’¹⁰ 10 Interview with Kerosh Kiruri, Dust Depot Nairobi (08/08/2016).

Female artists participated in the Talking Walls and SAMOSA Festival projects, and stressed the importance of their visibility in a predominantly male scene, and indeed within Kenya’s patriarchal society. Commenting on this further, the artist Blaine 29 says: ‘people think girls cannot do graffiti, so when they see me they are like “ahh, we can also do graffiti”. So, I think through me I have been able to challenge others… [the graffiti scene] is quite male dominated and that is what made me get into it because I don’t like a society where we think that only males can do this. I would like people to see that even females can get into graffiti and do positive things through art, it is not only for males and we can help break that chain.’¹¹ 11 Interview with Blaine29, at the Railway Museum, Nairobi (03/08/2016).

By physically asserting their presence in the city, these young graffiti artists declare their equality as urban residents. Their actions aim to inspire active and collective participation, reshaping city spaces for conscious public consumption and encourage new forms of civic engagement. However, as to now be discussed, they also innovate alternative and often unconventional methods of appropriating urban space.

Graffiti’s Temporality, Shifting Landscapes and Contestations in Urban Space

Through the process of using graffiti to revitalise urban space the everyday became disrupted, public curiosity ignited, and new forms of social interaction were generated. Residents, passersby, informal traders and other street users gathered to observe the artists in action, allowing themselves to enjoy the pleasure induced by their cityscape visually transforming (Fig. 7). During the few weeks when artists were energetically spearheading the graffiti projects, it was evident a livelier public space was produced. However, the nature of public space in Nairobi is continually being negotiated and contested. This shaping and reshaping of urban space, which is described by Lefebvre (1991) as the ‘production of space’, is the product of different actors seeking to govern who and what the city is for–chiming with Chantal Mouffe’s definition of public space as ‘a battleground on which different hegemonic projects are confronted’ (Mouffe, 2007, p. 3). What this section now turns attention to is the use and contestation of urban space at the sites where the graffiti was produced in the period following both projects ending.

Fig. 7. Local school children watching on during the SAMOSA festival in Pumwani. © Craig Halliday.

In a survey involving 150 respondents, 71% expressed increased respect for the locations adorned with graffiti murals, attributing this change to a reduction in instances of open defecation and littering (Fig. 8). A significant proportion of survey participants (87%) believed that the responsibility for maintaining the murals rested with the communities, having developed a sense of ownership and pride in them (Fig. 8). It was noted that these visually vibrant streets had gained additional uses and functions. In Korogocho, informal vendors operating in the locations of the artworks observed a rise in foot traffic, attributing it to the appeal generated by the painted structures, and indicated an improvement in economic activity. As one vendor expressed, ‘[The graffiti] attracts people because they want to see the art. We even have visitors from outside the area, creating excitement and boosting business.’¹² 12 Field notes, Korogocho, (29/07/2016). When queried about their preference for more graffiti in the city’s neighbourhoods, 81% of residents responded positively (Fig. 8). Residents of California witnessed this materialise through a new mural (sponsored by BSHG, created 12 months after the project), commemorating the contributions of young people to their community.

Fig. 8. Distribution of the respondents who agreed/disagreed with the statements.

As a form of public art, graffiti murals offer a tangible location where the public can actively participate in the experience of observing art. Alongside other popular art forms, such as editorial cartoons and decorated matatus, graffiti murals often become people’s primary engagement with visual art in Nairobi. This is particularly significant because urban residents in this study report feeling marginalised from Nairobi’s formal cultural spaces (such as commercial galleries, the Nairobi National Museum and foreign cultural centres) due to costs, limited accessibility, and the perception of these venues catering to foreigners. In contrast, informants regarded graffiti murals as a more democratic art form, being accessible and created by and for urban dwellers.

An implication of bringing art into public space is its contribution to fulfilling the cultural needs of citizens. Emphasising this point one resident said ‘we have a lot of artistic people in the slum, but many are idle because they don’t realise what they could achieve. Having this work here sends them a message to do something creative for themselves, to follow their dreams.’¹³ 13 Field notes, Korogocho, (29/07/2016). Similar views were expressed by Victor Mwangi (Viktart), who participated in the SAMOSA Festival, who remarked: ‘creativity is a form of courage. There is not a strong culture of art in Nairobi, most people view it as a leisure activity…Without creativity people stop imagining things for themselves and just look for the textbook answer. I hope this project will inspire others to see art as something to be taken seriously and ignite young people’s creativity in the area.’¹⁴ 14 Interview with Victor Mwangi, Pumwani, Nairobi (30/07/2016).

People who would otherwise not visit these neighbourhoods did so in order to see the artworks, but also because the public spaces provided a unique visual setting to be utilised for various activities. In California, Korogocho, and Pumwani, young people repurposed urban spaces using murals as backdrops for music videos, fashion shoots, and trendy social media posts. Notably, Genge star Jua Cali chose California for his 2016 music video Safsana. The song expresses gratitude to those who have acknowledged and valued the artist’s contributions to Genge over his 15-year career, a sentiment symbolised in one of the murals (Fig. 9). In the music video for Safsana, the graffiti murals are prominently showcased, underscoring their importance in the selection of the location. However, the graffiti didn’t always align with people’s desired urban visual appeal.

Fig. 9. A mural painted by the artist Vandal, celebrating California’s heritage in Genge. © Craig Halliday.

Four months after the SAMOSA Festival, an international film company used Desa Ground as a filming location. Finding the graffiti murals incompatible with their preferred aesthetic, they requested the custodians to paint over them. This presented a dilemma. Filming offered job prospects for locals, yet the community valued the artworks for celebrating their neighbourhood’s identity. A compromise involved temporarily covering the murals with canvas which was then painted to match surrounding buildings colour. Unfortunately, paint seeped through the canvas unintentionally destroying the murals. At a different site, other artworks were also damaged. At St Teresa’s Boy’s Primary School the graffiti lasted 8 months until they were covered with campaign posters for Kenya’s 2017 election. Subsequent removal left the walls in disarray, following which the school’s headmaster permitted corporations (GoTV Kenya and later Apollo Paints) to utilise the walls as advertising space. This mirrors the visual colonisation seen on many surfaces in the city due to big business advertising. In contrast, artworks in Korogocho and Pumwani lasted for several years, ultimately yielding to the ephemeral nature of graffiti, gradually fading over time. Their enduring presence reveals an indifference to the capitalist and political appropriation of the same city space whose purpose is self-seeking—either to boost profitability, as in corporate advertising, or enhance electoral prospects, as with political posters.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this article has explored how graffiti acts as a catalyst for urban creativity in Nairobi, offering disenfranchised youth opportunities to assert agency and participate in the making and remaking of their city. By engaging in graffiti projects, such as Talking Walls and the SAMOSA Festival, young people have actively appropriated public spaces, reclaiming them from the dominance of capitalist and political interests. These artistic interventions have brought critical public issues back into the urban landscape, challenging the notion that, as Bauman (2001) suggests, public spaces in global cities are increasingly devoid of meaningful engagement with civic matters. This is especially relevant in the context of Nairobi, where rapid urbanisation, social inequality, and the commercialisation of public spaces have marginalised the public’s right to engage with and shape their environment.

This article has argued that these initiatives not only embody the concept of ‘the right to the city’ but also reflect a broader trend of DIY urbanism, where grassroots creativity and participation reshape urban landscapes. The African city, as this article contributes to the growing body of scholarship, is more than its physical structures; it is an infrastructure shaped by the social and artistic practices of its residents (Enwezor, 2002; Nuttall & Mbembe, 2008; Simone, 2004, 2012). Despite the challenges of precarious social, economic, and political conditions, Nairobi’s graffiti artists create aesthetic and social spaces that foster inventiveness, community, and civic engagement.

However, the research also highlights important limitations of these artistic interventions. Graffiti projects often reflect broader gender inequalities, as men predominantly participate in and are celebrated for these urban practices, leaving gendered dimensions of civic engagement less visible. Additionally, the ephemeral nature of graffiti mirrors the fragility of African urbanism itself, shaped by instability and rapid change. Nonetheless, the low-cost nature of these initiatives and the socio-cultural returns they provide underscore graffiti’s potential as a tool for placemaking. Local governments, urban planners, and civil society could harness this potential to create vibrant public spaces that encourage cultural exchange, foster civic participation, and contribute to Nairobi’s growing creative industries. Ultimately, graffiti in Nairobi illustrates how young people creatively negotiate their right to the city, navigating and shaping the urban fabric despite significant constraints.