Family Planning Policy in China and the Gender Equality in Family and Labor Market

This article examines the effects of China’s Family Planning Policy (FPP) on the gender wealth gap and the division of housework within Chinese families. Initially, the study applies dependency theory to analyze the influence of the FPP on Chinese families. Firstly, we find that there was no significant gender wealth gap during the One-Child Policy (OCP) period, which indicates that the OCP indirectly reduced the economic dependence of Chinese women on their husbands by narrowing the gender wealth gap. Secondly, despite an increase in male participation in housework during the OCP, the dependency of males on females for housework and childcare remained unchanged. These factors exerted pressure on Chinese women and influenced their overall life satisfaction.

Introduction

The One-Child Policy (OCP) in China, which remains one of the world’s largest and most dramatic population control campaigns, has been heavily criticized for breaching fundamental human rights, as proven by forced sterilizations and abortions, as well as promoting widespread desertion and slights of infant girls. The direct and indirect influences of this policy have impacted and continue to affect Chinese society, families and individuals, especially Chinese women. Meanwhile, the Family Planning Policy (FPP) in China has impacted the economic and social role of Chinese women and their self-perception in terms of family and career. However, the gender gap in employment opportunities, payment, gender distribution of household chores and childcare remains a problem (Hu, 2014). Therefore, it is important to study the FPP in China and gender equality in the family and labor market.

Literature Review

Hukou System

The Hukou system (also known as the household registration system) was founded in 1958 by the government to manage the movement of the population. Hukou status is a type of spatial capital that is strongly associated with access to educational, social, economic, and other resources (Hung, 2022). Moreover, the government employed administrative tools to split residents into two primary groups: rural or agricultural and urban or nonagricultural.

Family Planning Policy

Evolution of the FPP and OCP

The OCP was a population control policy implemented in China between 1979 and 2015. It limited most Chinese urban couples to having only one child (Settleset al., 2013). The concept of the FPP dates back to the 1950s when a group of nonparty academics proposed a birth control program. Yinchu Ma’s famous book, A New Theory of Population (Ma, 1957), is a critically influential example. Based on these studies and the greater-than-expected population growth, an organized FPP was initiated in 1956–1957. The plan was soon discontinued, however, due to the Great Leap Forward and the transition to the People’s Commune (1958–1961). After the baby boom in the early 1960s, China’s population reached 800 million. Economic growth slowed down, and the decline in China’s standard of living was frequently mentioned in terms of overpopulation. Rather than rethinking China’s economic structures, officials began to refocus on the need for population management (Peng, 1996). In 1971, China launched another FPP, which was successful. Between 1971 and 1978, China’s overall fertility rate was halved. Throughout the 1970s, China’s FPP was technically voluntary, but it included several coercive features. Nonetheless, it was far less forceful than the OCP that followed (Zhang, 2017). In 1979 (one year after the opening reform), the Chinese government implemented the OCP, which restricted couples to have only one child, with exemptions for ethnic minorities. The government considered severe population control to be critical to economic reform and the improvement of living standards.

The OCP was not strictly enforced until the mid-1980s. Many rural families, especially those with only one female child, were vehemently opposed to the policy (Dohertyet al., 2001). Due to practical challenges, in 1982, the central government altered the strategy to make it more viable for residents with rural Hukou status to have another child (rural families whose first child was a girl were allowed to have a second child). Then, from 1986 to 1990, the state government began to tighten enforcement of the OCP, using methods such as fines, forced abortions, and sterilizations to enforce compliance. With these measures, the central government strengthened the OCP across the country, and it became relatively stable in 1990 (Zhang, 2017). In 2002, the Population and Family Planning Law of the People’s Republic of China announced a new regulation, which allowed families where both members of the couple were from a single-child family to have a second child. With the decline of the labor force population and the increasingly aging society, China has gradually liberalized its birth control policy. In 2014, the state government published the Two-Child Policy, allowing couples to have a second child, and the following year (China Central Government Portal, 2015), the OCP was officially abolished, allowing couples to have more children.

FPP and Gender Equality Studies

There are many scholarly works on FPP adopting a variety of perspectives, including the consideration of policy evolution (Zhang, 2017), cultural aspects (Li, 2009), economic factors (Dohertyet al., 2001), social elements (Rosenberg & Jing, 1996), gender (Greenhalgh & Li, 1995), and psychological and physical health (Greenhalgh & Li, 1995). However, only a few studies have studied the gender wealth gap and explored mutual dependence between married partners. Hung (2022) studied the gender gap and the educational attainment of rural Chinese girls using dependency theory, which provides evidence of the application of dependency theory in gender equality studies in China. The examination of gender inequality has typically centered on areas such as income, employment, education, and individual-level asset (Dosset al., 2014). Wealth is an essential metric of economic well-being, unlike income, study of wealth has the capacity to examine accumulated and historically constructed inequalities (Denton & Boos, 2007). This paper will mainly center on the gender wealth gap and the allocation of housework at family level to explore how FPP influenced gender equality in China.

Gender Wealth Gap

The gender wealth gap is a worldwide phenomenon. According to Dinget al. (2009), female workers in Chinese state firms earned around 86% of the average income obtained by males in 1981, rising slightly to 87% in 1987. In comparison, the average nonagricultural earnings ratio of females to males is 76% in the United States, 57% in South Korea, and 51% in Japan (Dinget al., 2009). Women do not accumulate as much money as men, resulting in a gender wealth gap. Su and Heshmati (2013) pointed out that the wealth gap in China relates to the origin of the individual (urban or rural), level of education, and occupation (Su & Heshmati, 2013).

Unequal Division of Housework in Chinese Families

Wang (2017) argued the unequal distribution of household labor in the family mainly included three aspects: unpaid care, unequal division of housework and perception of household labor division. Kan and He (2018) considered that men’s increased domestic labor has focused on non-feminine and flexible sorts of housework such as gardening and home maintenance. Regular housework and traditionally “feminine” sorts of domestic labor, such as cooking, cleaning, and caregiving, are still mostly performed by women. These data suggest that gendered views regarding domestic work influence the home division of labor (Kan & He, 2018).

Dependency Theory

The dependency theory emphasizes binary opposites—metropol vs satellite, center vs periphery, developed vs undeveloped—to illustrate how superiors, in the form of powers, classes, and parties, influence their inferior counterparts. According to the theory, underdevelopment and development within and between societies are inversely connected, which means that a society’s underdevelopment is tied to the development of another civilization (Fägerlind & Saha, 2016). Multiple researchers have adopted dependency theory in gender studies. For example, Eva Feder Kittay used dependency critique in her book Love’s Labor to reveal that women take the most responsibility for dependency work (e.g., taking care of babies and sick parents), which causes gender inequality (Kittay, 2019). Pepin (2019) employed exchange and dependence theories to investigate whether salary discrepancies between spouses and the gender of the primary earner affected perceptions of financial resource distribution between partners (Pepin, 2019). Researchers also found that when income is seen as a personal asset, dependency theories predict the interests of the higher earner within partnerships are likely to prevail (Baxter & Kane, 1995; Brines, 1994; Pepin, 2019).

This study aims to determine if the FPP in China has changed women’s economic dependency on their partners through its impacts on women’s roles in their careers and families, as well as women’s enrollment in dependency work. Moreover, it should be noted that women with urban Hukou enjoy educational and social welfare advantages over those with rural Hukou. Therefore, it is probable that rural females would be more dependent on their husbands.

Research Questions and Hypotheses

Based on the existing problems and previous studies, this article poses the following research questions.

Q1: How do the FPP evolution, Hukou, and household parameters impact wealth and income?

Q2: How do the FPP evolution, Hukou, and household parameters impact the family’s role in housework?

Q3: What is a crossing generation and deferred effect on the wealth of the current generation?

Q4: Is there a different effect on the cognitive perception of the gender wealth gap? How does it work?

Q5: How do the social norms impact the individual’s conception of fertility and the concept of housework?

With consideration of our research questions, we have formulated the subsequent hypotheses.

Hypothesis 1.1: The FPP is positively associated with annual work earnings.

Hypothesis 1.2: A female as the family head is positively associated with wage income.

Hypothesis 1.3: Rural Hukou is negatively associated with women’s wage income.

Hypothesis 2.1: There is a gender disparity in housework, and females are positively associated with housework.

Hypothesis 2.2: There is a marriage disparity in housework.

Hypothesis 3.1: The stronger the patriarchal clan idea, the higher the current economic status.

Hypothesis 3.2: There is a deferred effect across the generations: the higher the education level of the previous generation, the higher the level of the current economic status.

Hypothesis 4.1: There is a different mechanism in the cognitive perception of the gender wealth gap; the higher the educational background, the higher the perception of the cognitive gap.

Hypothesis 4.2: The better the financial and living conditions, the higher the life satisfaction and confidence in the future.

Hypothesis 5.1: Social norms are negatively associated with an individual’s fertility concept.

Hypothesis 5.2: Social norms are negatively associated with an individual’s concept of housework.

Methodology and Empirical Studies

Variables and Description Analysis

The data deployed in this quantitative study was obtained from the China Family Panel Study (2010 to 2018) (China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) 2010–2018, 2020), which collected different sets of variables, supporting the analysis of the maldistribution of employment opportunities, payment, and time allocated to household chores and childcare based on gender and Hukou status (rural/urban), and exploring the association between dependency on social policies and gender equality in China. Table I is the variable description table, which includes 35 variables and their definitions.

Table I. Variable Descriptions

Variable label	Definition
Confidentfu	Are you confident about your future
Education	Father: Highest level of education
Jobsatis	Overall satisfaction with current job, numeric
Spouseedu	Level of education of your spouse/partner
Workexp	Ever had formal work experience for >=6 successive months, dummy variables, where 1 refers to yes
Careerfamily	Men should focus on career, while women should focus on family
Childedu1	Child 1: Highest level of education
Education	Highest level of education attained
Famheadmale	Who is the family head? Dummy variable, 1 refers to male
Familysize	Family size
Fathered	Father’s level of education (detailed)
Feelsuccess	Importance: Feeling successful
Fplanperiod	Dummy variable, where 1 refers to who gets married during the period 1979–2015
Genealogy	Is there a genealogy of your family, dummy variable, where 1 refers to yes
Hasjob	Currently has a job, dummy variable, where 1 refers to yes
House	House ownership, dummy variable, where 1 refers to own one
Housevalue	Market value of your current house: Final (yuan)
Housework	Freq: Housework
Hukouagri	Hukou status, dummy variable, where 1 refers to agriculture
Incomepercap	Adjusted total family income per capita
Increasegap	The income gap must be increased for economic prosperity
Leastoneboy	Women should give birth to at least one boy to continue family lineage
Leastonechild	Women should have at least one child
Lifesatis	Overall satisfaction with your life
Male	Dummy variable, where 1 refers to male, and otherwise
Married	Marital status, 1 refers to married, 0, non-married, 2 window or divorced
Menhousework	Men should do half of the housework
Motheredu	Mother’s level of education (detailed)
Otherasset	Market value of other assets at the end of last year (yuan)
Owncar	Does your family own a car? dummy variable, where 1 refers to yes, and otherwise
Ownanother	Own another house elsewhere, dummy variable, where 1 refers to yes, otherwise
Pension	Received pension/social security/subsistence allowance last year
Perincome	Personal income
Spouseedu	Spouse: Highest level of education

Table II shows the detailed information and description analysis for the variables in Table I, which contains the observation numbers, mean value, standard deviation, minimal value, and maximal value.

Table II. Description Analysis of the Variables in the Dataset

Variable	Obs	Mean	Std. dev.	Min	Max
Genealogy	134,802	0.226	0.418	0	1
House	134,265	0.929	0.255	0	1
Ownanother	134,802	0.152	0.359	0	1
Pension	134,802	0.224	0.417	0	1
Otherasset	114,305	18396.15	153836.6	0	2.40e+07
Owncar	134,802	0.128	0.334	0	1
Famheadmale	134,802	0.685	0.464	0	1
Familysize	134,802	4.301	1.804	0	26
Wageincome	134,726	22399.34	32662.49	0	1000000
Housevalue	134,802	6.17e+08	1.75e+09	0	1.00e+10
Urban	138,353	0.4789	0.499	0	1
Male	143,512	0.495	0.4999	0	1
Hukouagri	133,376	0.7291	0.4443	0	1
Education	130,664	7.792	3.583	1	22
Married	141,770	0.8559	0.5119	0	2
Fplanperiod	25,586	0.7319	0.442	0	1
Workexp	64,221	0.572	0.4947	0	1
Hasjob	94,416	0.668	0.470	0	1
Jobsatis	83,018	0.388	0.940	−2	2
Wagemonth	17,811	2.782	3.158	0	100000
Confidentfu	61,996	3.861	1.088	1	5
Housework	50,157	1.988	1.394	0	18
Lifesatis	63,791	3.731	1.037	1	5
Spouseedu	27,848	7.448	4.022	2	22
Childedu1	21,198	1.084	3.846	2	22
Fatheredu	27,668	5.280	3.678	2	22
Motheredu	29,173	378.487	3.020	2	22
Spouseeduy	26,743	6.135	4.809	0	22
Perincome	31,965	10129.28	20180.33	0	800000
Leastoneboy	31,518	3.386	1.517	1	5
Careerfamily	31,511	3.969	1.178	1	5
Leastonechild	31,487	4.128	1.140	1	5
Menhousework	31,515	4.085	1.066	1	5

Results of Empirical Studies

In accordance with the previous research questions and hypothesis, linear and logistic regression will be deployed to test the specific hypothesis. Table III contains the results of the empirical study for the yearly wage income, which used logistic regression and linear regression in three models (m1, m2, m3). Among the 19 independent variables, the family planning variable was only in model 1 (m1), family head male was only in model 2 (m2) and married was only in model 3 (m3). The other 16 variables are included in all three models.

Table III. Empirical Study of Wage Income

Wageincome	m1	m2	m3
Fplanperiod	−738.012
	(580.89)
Famheadmale		−1011.271*
		(478.21)
Married			−644.221
			(3000.00)
Male	−405.120	−300.516	−336.077
	(468.69)	(473.99)	(473.76)
Hukouagri	−7,520.3***	−7,481.733***	-7,489.857***
	(660.01)	(668.62)	(668.86)
Education	1498.063***	1489.400***	1491.258***
	(90.78)	(91.39)	(91.41)
House	318.663	116.679	152.462
	(947.27)	(960.63)	(961.34)
Ownanother	10646.954***	10462.457***	10472.857***
	(600.63)	(609.71)	(609.82)
Pension	−1954.881***	−1943.204***	−1950.243***
	(577.85)	(572.57)	(572.64)
Otherasset	0.010***	0.010***	0.010***
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Owncar	13984.916***	14409.400***	14419.135***
	(616.65)	(623.67)	(623.73)
Familysize	2572.526***	2511.765***	2525.533***
	(130.08)	(130.42)	(130.28)
Housevalue	−0.000***	−0.000***	−0.000***
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Urban	7027.841***	6807.657***	6824.252***
	(538.87)	(546.42)	(546.44)
Workexp	1186.935*	846.292	819.596
	(565.36)	(565.97)	(565.90)
Fatheredu	45.315	4.730	4.065
	(76.19)	(77.21)	(77.23)
Motheredu	601.107***	589.554***	590.801***
	(98.75)	(100.43)	(100.45)
Spouseeduy	859.423***	836.043***	839.920***
	(61.21)	(60.77)	(60.75)
_cons	−8212.818***	−6802.871***	−6960.983*
	(1506.71)	(1555.78)	(3335.53)

From the empirical studies of Table III, variables such as the family planning period, marriage status, and gender are not statistically significant with annual income. However, the gender of the family head, Hukou and education are statistically significant, indicating that a male as the family head is associated with a decrease of annual work earnings by 1011 compared to a female as the family head, so is the Hukou registration as rural. With regard to increased years of education, a one-year increase is positively associated with annual work earnings by 1498. Additionally, in terms of education in the families, interestingly, the years of education of the mother and spouse are positively associated with annual work earnings statistically, while the specific variable of the father is not statistically significant. In terms of the Hukou status, the Hukou system restricts access to high-paying jobs and social welfare benefits, including healthcare and education for non-local Hukou holders. This can result in higher out-of-pocket expenses for these individuals, which can put a strain on their finances. Therefore, according to our empirical studies, Hypothesis 1.1 is rejected, while Hypothesis 1.2 and Hypothesis 1.3 are supported.

Individuals in China who married during the FPP period from 1979 to 2015 (the OCP) do not have a statistically significant annual income difference between genders. That might be because the OCP may have indirectly led to a decrease in gender discrimination, as families were no longer incentivized to have a son to carry on the family line. This could have resulted in more equal opportunities for women, which could have led to a smaller income gap between genders. Moreover, it led to a cultural shift in which parents invested heavily in their child’s education and development. This could have led to a more competitive workforce with higher levels of education and skills, resulting in a more equal distribution of income among individuals who married during the policy period. The OCP period from 1979 to 2015 overlapped with the opening of China’s economy, and the need for a larger labor force has led to increased female labor force participation. Women have entered a wide range of industries and sectors, including professional services, manufacturing, and entrepreneurship, which has contributed to narrowing the gender wealth gap.

Therefore, the OCP indirectly improved gender equality and changed society and women’s self-perception in China. For thousands of years, sons were highly valued in China, while over this period, daughters with no siblings have experienced increased parental commitment, inversely improving gender equality in the community. In a country that has always been ruled by men, China’s OCP has indirectly boosted women’s role in society (Zhang, 2017). It has also increased career opportunities for Chinese women as they have been able to focus on their education and careers without the demands of raising multiple children. Nevertheless, this was not always the case, as women were expected to take on most of the childcare responsibilities, and they were often discriminated against in the workplace (Hu, 2014). At the same time, the rise of individualism among women challenged traditional notions of family and gender roles.

In terms of longitudinal perspective, what is the effect of crossing generations on the wealth parameters? There are four important parameters related to wealth. The dummy variable of genealogy, when 1 refers to the higher level of the patriarchal clan idea, is only associated with the variable of house value statistically but negatively. The results of the data analysis show the weaker the patriarchal clan idea, the higher the current economic status. Accordingly, this does not agree with Hypothesis 3.1. Meanwhile, education level is chosen to study the effect of three generations. Interestingly, personal income is positively associated with the gender of males, the mother’s education, self-education, and spouse’s education statistically, but not with the father’s education level, while it is negative with the rural Hukou category. These indicate that improvement in the education level of females is essential to narrowing the gender wealth gap in China. Lee (2012) proved this point; he found that China’s OCP unintentionally helped to improve educational gender equality. Children in one-child families had much better educational prospects than children in multiple-child households (Lee, 2012). In 2009, post-1980s Chinese women surpassed males in college enrollment. Modern Chinese society simply cannot afford severe levels of gender segregation under the OCP. With the aging population, this socialization result will be extremely important. A child, whether male or female, must support not just their parents but also maybe their grandparents (Leonget al., 2015).

Table IV also shows that the FPP period is statistically related to total savings, personal income, and the concept of increasing the wealth gap as the economy develops. This indicates that the participants who married during the OCP period (1979 to 2015) have higher and increasing incomes. That is probably because, with a single child, couples have more time and resources to invest in their own career development. Both partners could concentrate on their professional growth, pursuing promotions, higher-paying jobs, and specialized skills. This focus on career development often led to increased earning potential for individuals who married during the OCP period. Moreover, the OCP period coincided with China’s rapid economic growth and urbanization. Urban areas offered greater job opportunities and higher wages, attracting individuals who sought better economic prospects. Therefore, regarding Hypothesis 3.2, there is a deferred effect across the generations, but it is only effective for the mother’s education and personal income rather than house value and savings.

Table IV. Empirical Studies for the Crossing Generation on the Effect of Different Wealth Parameters

De.variable	Incomepercap	Totalsaving	Perincome	Housevalue
Fplanperiod	2.277e+08***	329981.805*	2808.102***	43.828.605
	(46816731.70)	(166272.18)	(320.74)	(33934742.19)
Genealogy	49.173.932	−114.252	336.842	−1.759e+08***
	(50000281.66)	(177578.73)	(342.60)	(36242313.51)
Male	−2,66E+10	6.448.454	5803.955***	−2,69E+10
	(45646667.37)	(162116.63)	(312.73)	(33086630.21)
Hukouagri	2.279e+08***	–687225.086***	−3267.624***	56.159
	(54338594.15)	(192986.49)	(372.29)	(39386905.42)
Familysize	2.186e+08***	73.417.485	−14.955	20649992.623*
	(11990516.87)	(42584.98)	(82.15)	(8691232.47)
Fatheredu	−1.669e+07*	37.851.072	57.837	2.377.501
	(7644627.75)	(27150.31)	(52.38)	(5541148.69)
Motheredu	−3.481.315.279	−44.005.357	301.723***	−1,50E+10
	(11442077.60)	(40637.16)	(78.40)	(8293700.55)
Education	13.020.571	−59.089.907	869.432***	−1,08E+10
	(8612518.54)	(30587.83)	(59.02)	(6242716.77)
Spouseeduy	−1.100.905	−24.789	235.887***	−7.333.014
	(5700854.08)	(20246.89)	(39.06)	(4132219.54)
Childedu1	−1.672e+07**	8.994.882	84.913	−6.463.125
	(6389403.35)	(22692.32)	(43.81)	(4631309.09)
_cons	3.071e+08**	552.858	−3043.085***	7.010e+08***
	(1.15e+08)	(408717.05)	(788.43)	(83415683.97)

The empirical study supports Hypothesis 2.1 and Hypothesis 2.2, indicating that there is a gender disparity in the housework, and the gender of females is positively associated with housework, while there is a marriage disparity in the housework, and the status of married is positively associated with housework. From Table V, variables such as the gender of males, rural Hukou, education level, car ownership, and the education level of fathers, mothers, and spouses are all statistically negatively associated with the time spent on housework at different significant levels. Exceptions are the variables of marriage and males as the family head, which are positively associated with the time spent on housework. On the one hand, the samples of people getting married over the family planning period of 1979–2015 are negatively associated with the time for housework statistically for both genders, which can be interpreted as the OCP leading to smaller family sizes, which may have resulted in less time needed for housework. With fewer family members to take care of, married couples may have had more time to pursue other activities, such as work or leisure. In addition, the changing social norms in China may have led to an equal division of household labor between partners. With both partners working outside the home, there may be more of a shared responsibility for housework, resulting in less time spent on these activities by everyone.

Table V. Empirical Study on the Effect of Housework

Housework	m1	m2	m3
Fplanperiod	−0.058***
	(0.01)
Famheadmale		0.018**
		(0.01)
Married			0.075*
			(0.04)
Male	−0.196***	−0.195***	−0.194***
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Hukouagri	−0.019*	−0.023**	−0.023**
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Education	−0.002	−0.003**	−0.003**
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
House	−0.024*	−0.019	−0.020
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Ownanother	−0.007	−0.004	−0.005
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Pension	0.017*	0.028***	0.028***
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Otherasset	0.000	0.000	0.000
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Owncar	−0.015*	−0.018*	−0.018*
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Familysize	–0.004*	−0.004**	−0.005**
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Housevalue	0.000	0.000	0.000
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Urban	−0.029***	−0.026***	−0.027***
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Workexp	−0.003	−0.002	−0.002
	(0.01)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Fatheredu	−0.002*	−0.003**	−0.003**
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Motheredu	−0.004**	−0.005***	−0.005***
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Spouseeduy	−0.002**	−0.003***	−0.003***
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Wageincome	−0.000***	−0.000***	−0.000***
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
_cons	2.537***	2.498***	2.439***
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.04)

On the other hand, variables such as male, rural Hukou and education level are all negatively associated with the time spent on housework. That might be due to a number of reasons. Traditional gender roles in China often place responsibility for household chores on women. As a result, men may feel less responsible for performing housework and may prioritize other activities, such as work or leisure. Regarding the Hukou status, rural Hukou holders may have less exposure to urban lifestyles, which may have a greater emphasis on gender equality and shared household responsibilities. Rural areas may have more traditional gender roles and expectations, which can result in women bearing more of the household chores. Moreover, higher education levels may lead to greater job opportunities and higher salaries, which can incentivize individuals to prioritize work over household chores. Additionally, individuals with higher education levels may have a greater ability to outsource household chores, such as hiring a cleaner or purchasing prepared meals, which can reduce the time spent on housework. In summary, the division of housework is often influenced by cultural norms and expectations. In China, it may be more common for women to perform household chores, regardless of their education level or Hukou status.

Statistics from 2020 show that married women in China spend about 120 minutes per day on household chores, and working women spend an average of 154 minutes on weekdays on household chores, about twice as long as men (China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) 2010–2018, 2020). The 2018 National Time Use Survey Bulletin shows that in China, women with children spend an average of about 53 minutes a day caring for and spending time with their children, while men spend only about 17 minutes on this activity (China National Bureau of Statistics, 2019). Even in the workplace, women, who already suffer from gender discrimination were in a worse situation after the Two-Child Policy. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, the female employment rate was 53.96% in 2015 (China National Bureau of Statistics, 2016), just after the implementation of the Two-Child Policy, which dropped to 48.06% by 2020 (China National Bureau of Statistics, 2021). The employment rate of mothers is also lower than that of women without children, and the employment rate of “two-child” mothers is even lower. More than half of today’s college graduates are women, who enter the workplace competing with men and women, and whether they have children and how many becomes a reason for being screened out.

Regarding cognitive perception (shown in Table VI), firstly, for the perception of an increasing wealth gap as economic development, rural Hukou and family size are positively associated, while education, pension, urban, working experience, and spouse education level are negatively associated. Accordingly, the results reject Hypothesis 4.1. Secondly, in terms of life satisfaction and confidence for the future, house and car ownership are positively associated with life satisfaction, which supports part of Hypothesis 4.2: better living standards and economic status provide higher life satisfaction. However, owning a house cannot guarantee confidence in the future, which rejects the other part of Hypothesis 4.2. Thirdly, the samples of the family planning period, gender of male, higher education, owning a car, and father’s and spouse’s education are positively and statistically associated. Fourthly, the relationship between different genders (the couples who were married over the period of the FPP) is negatively associated with the gender relationship. These reveal that participants who married during the family planning period from 1979–2015 have lower life satisfaction and poorer relationships with their partners but feel more successful and confident. That might be because the OCP placed significant pressure on parents to raise a successful and high-achieving child. This could have resulted in increased stress and anxiety for parents, as they felt responsible for their child’s success. However, economic growth in China over the past few decades has led to increased job opportunities and higher wages.

Table VI. Empirical Studies for Effect on Cognitive Perception

De.variable	Increasegap	Lifesatis	Feelsuccess	Relationgender	Confidentfu
Fplanperiod	−0.040	−0.274***	0.098***	−0.247***	0.237***
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.05)	(0.02)
Male	−0.029	−0.051**	0.126***	0.037	0.098***
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.04)	(0.02)
Hukouagri	0.158***	0.109***	0.009	−0.131*	0.118***
	(0.03)	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.06)	(0.03)
Education	−0.042***	0.006	0.022***	0.040***	0.013***
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.01)	(0.00)
House	0.057	0.204***	0.040	0.101	0.019
	(0.04)	(0.03)	(0.04)	(0.09)	(0.04)
Pension	−0.097***	−0.017	−0.070**	0.092	−0.091***
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.05)	(0.02)
Otherasset	−0.000	0.000	0.000	−0.000	0.000
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Owncar	0.042	0.209***	0.083***	0.086	0.198***
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.06)	(0.02)
Familysize	0.017**	−0.009	0.002	0.009	0.009
	(0.01)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Urban	−0.104***	−0.081***	−0.009	0.013	−0.053*
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.05)	(0.02)
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.01)	(0.00)
Wageincome	0.000	0.000***	0.000	0.000**	0.000
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
_cons	0.300***	3.304***	3.202***	3.985***	2.999***
	(0.06)	(0.05)	(0.06)	(0.14)	(0.06)

In addition, lower life satisfaction and poorer relationships with their partners might also be connected with the high abortion and sterilization rate during the OCP period. According to Luo (2019), since 1971, the number of abortions in China has fluctuated with changes in the FPP, and there is a strong correlation between the number of abortions and the OCP (Luo, 2019). Abortion and sterilization can lead to various physiological illnesses, such as uterus perforation, residue inside the uterus, vaginal bleeding, and uterine cancer, which seriously affect women’s physical and mental health (Tang, 2020). It has also led to a skewed gender ratio, as many families preferred to have male children and would use sex-selective abortions or abandon female babies. This has resulted in a shortage of women in China, which has had social and economic consequences, including an increase in human trafficking and sexual exploitation. These factors explain our findings for poorer relationships with their partner for those who married during the OCP.

According to Qin (2020), gender role attitudes play an influential and wide-ranging role in shaping gender income inequality, operating through factors such as educational attainment, labor force participation, working hours, and occupational status. Traditional Confucian women were subordinate to men. Indeed, historically, they were dependent on men as objects in the family and society, and in ancient society, women were expected to be only good wives and mothers. Even the titles used by women themselves were mostly self-deprecating and modest, such as “Yu” (a title indicating that they were lower in status), “Nu” (slave), and “Qie” (concubine). Only since the May Fourth Movement in 1919 have women referred to themselves as “I” in public. The May Fourth Movement also led to the creation of the word “Ta” (she) to highlight the equality of men and women.

From the empirical studies shown in Table VII, the fertility concept that emphasizes the importance of at least one boy for children, variables such as a male as the family head, married, the gender of male, rural Hukou, owning a house, family size, are all positively associated with the concept of at least one boy statistically, but the higher education level with the lower cognitive fertility conception of at least one boy. These indicate that males and families with a male as the head prefer to have a son. Moreover, the participants with lower education or rural Hukou status have a stronger perception that “a couple should have at least one boy”.

Table VII. Empirical Studies for Fertility Concept and Roles in Family

De.variables	Leastoneboy	Menhousework	Careerfamily
Famheadmale	0.072***	0.027	−0.022
	(0.02)	(0.01)	(0.02)
Married	0.304***	0.066***	0.376***
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)
Male	0.307***	−0.091***	0.201***
	(0.02)	(0.01)	(0.01)
Hukouagri	0.332***	0.052**	0.155***
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)
Education	−0.114***	−0.012***	−0.077***
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
House	0.111***	0.082**	0.152***
	(0.03)	(0.03)	(0.03)
Pension	0.009	0.043*	−0.053**
	(0.02)	(0.02)	(0.02)
Otherasset	0.000	−0.000	0.000
	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Owncar	−0.042	−0.004	0.001
	(0.03)	(0.02)	(0.02)
Familysize	0.057***	−0.012**	−0.002
	(0.01)	(0.00)	(0.00)
_cons	3.198***	4.080***	3.897***
	(0.06)	(0.04)	(0.04)

Meanwhile, for the two dependent variables, menhousework refers to the concept that men should do half of the housework, and careerfamily refers to that men should focus on a career, while women should focus on their family. The independent variables, such as marriage, rural Hukou, and owning a house, are all positively associated with these two dependent variables, indicating that married couples have a higher expectation of fair sharing of housework, except that men give priority to work while females prioritize the family. By contrast, in terms of gender, the variable of male is negatively associated with menhousework and positively with careerfamily statistically, indicating that men have less acceptance that they should share half the housework and support the idea that men should give priority to their career, while women should prioritize childcare and housework. The results proved our Hypotheses 5.1 and 5.2, which indicate that traditional feminine roles, such as housework and childcare, have remained relatively stagnant. Despite women’s increasing participation in masculine work roles, they continue to bear a significant portion of the household responsibilities.

Discussion, Conclusion and Further Studies

This article describes the impact of China’s FPP on the gender wealth gap and the allocation of housework within Chinese families. It initially applies dependency theory to analyze the impact of China’s FPP on Chinese families. Firstly, it was found that the OCP weakened the economic dependence of Chinese females on their husbands by indirectly narrowing the gender wealth gap. However, males’ dependence on females regarding housework has not changed, even when they have a higher participation in housework during the OCP. There are reasons for the lessening gender wealth gap in China, such as the OCP resulting in smaller family sizes, allowing families to invest more resources into the single child’s education and development, potentially leading to higher earning potential for both genders. Nevertheless, there is a significant wealth gap for participants with rural Hukou status. That is because the Hukou system in China restricts rural citizens’ access to social benefits and resources. In addition, rural Hukou holders often experience limited opportunities for education and employment, leading to lower incomes compared to urban Hukou holders.

Furthermore, our findings indicate that although there was an increase in male involvement in household chores during the OCP period, the dependence of men on women for housework and childcare remained unchanged. There are several reasons for unequal housework distribution between males and females who married within the OCP period. This might be because the traditional gender roles in China assign domestic responsibilities primarily to women, leading men to spend less time on housework. Rural areas may have more traditional gender norms and expectations, further reinforcing gender-specific roles and division of labor. Also, lower education levels may limit employment opportunities, leading to more time available for housework. Men are reluctant to share half of the housework and prioritize their careers in both rural and urban areas. Traditional gender norms in China assign household chores to women, while men are expected to focus on their careers and provide for their families. Work pressure and competition may create a perceived need for men to prioritize their careers to succeed in a highly competitive work environment. Cultural perceptions of masculinity and lack of awareness about gender equality may contribute to men’s reluctance to share household responsibilities.

In addition, there was lower life satisfaction during the OCP period. This might be due to intense pressure to raise a successful child within the policy’s limitations, which may have resulted in increased stress and reduced life satisfaction. In addition, prioritizing a child’s success and achievement over personal goals and relationships could lead to a lack of fulfillment in other areas of life. It is important to acknowledge that women with urban Hukou in China have access to educational and social welfare benefits that surpass those available to women with rural Hukou. Hence, our findings support our hypothesis that rural women would exhibit a higher level of dependency on their husbands.

In summary, to narrow the gender wealth gap and achieve social equality in China, it is beneficial to focus on improving the education level of women, challenging traditional gender role norms, promoting male participation in housework and childcare, and alleviating the constraints imposed by the Hukou system on citizens.

The limitation of this research is that it tends to be detached from the microcosm, ignoring the experience and agency of real-life individuals. Further research could include oral history and ethnography from the study of eight to ten Chinese females with different backgrounds to complement the case study. Although there are shifts in women’s societal roles, the traditional gender role messages that women have internalized strongly influence their concepts and behaviors. Therefore, to take into consideration the shifts in women’s societal roles, it is worth examining the current gender role messages that women have internalized in further steps.